2 november 2018

van http://www.jeuneafrique.com

Guinée-Bissau : selon Domingos Simões Pereira, du PAIGC, « le président Vaz ne veut pas des élections législatives »

foto: jeuneafrique

02 novembre 2018 à 14h38 | Par Alain Aka

La date de clôture du recensement électoral en Guinée-Bissau vient à nouveau d’être prorogé, laissant craindre un report des législatives, initialement prévues le 18 novembre. Pour Domingos Simões Pereira, ancien premier ministre bissau-guinéen et président du PAIGC, cette prolongation a un responsable : le président José Mario Vaz, qu’il accuse de bloquer le processus électoral afin de s’arroger tous les pouvoirs.

Depuis sa destitution par le président José Mario Vaz, en août 2015, l’ancien Premier ministre Domingos Simões Pereira, qui préside le principal parti du pays, est au cœur de la crise institutionnelle qui secoue la Guinée-Bissau. Trois années d’impasses successives, qui auront vu se succéder chefs de gouvernement et accords de sortie de crise. Le dernier en date, signé à Lomé le 14 avril 2018, sous le parrainage de la Communauté économique des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (Cédéao), a abouti à la désignation d’un Premier ministre de consensus, Aristides Gomes, chargé de conduire le pays aux législatives.~

Le recensement électoral a, depuis, pris du retard. Entamé le 20 septembre, il devait prendre fin le 20 octobre. Mais il a été reporté au 20 novembre. Et le Parti africain pour l’indépendance de la Guinée et du Cap-Vert (PAIGC), majoritaire au Parlement avec 42 députés sur 102, commence à perdre patience. Domingos Simões Pereira, son président, reste un élément clé dans la résolution de cette crise. Depuis son limogeage du gouvernement, il a repris les rênes de ce parti historique. Aujourd’hui, il demande que le scrutin ait lieu dans les délais impartis.

En attendant, « DSP » sillonne le monde à la rencontre de la diaspora bissau-guinéenne. Après Lisbonne, au Portugal, Domingos Simões Pereira était à Paris, où Jeune Afrique a pu le rencontrer le 30 octobre 2018, dans un hôtel du quartier d’affaires de La Défense.

Jeune Afrique : Quelles sont aujourd’hui les relations entre le PAIGC et le président de la République, José Mario Vaz ?

Le président a demandé et obtenu un soutien du PAIGC aux élections présidentielles de 2014. Aujourd’hui, il est évident que notre parti a retiré tout soutien au président de la République. Il n’y a plus aucune attache entre nous.

Pourquoi le PAIGC ne l’a-t-il pas exclu, comme il l’a fait en 2016 pour 15 députés dissidents ?

Dans le système bissau-guinéen, pour être candidat à l’élection présidentielle il faut s’éloigner des partis politiques. Même s’il a demandé et obtenu le soutien du PAIGC pour les élections présidentielles de 2014, on ne peut pas dire que le président José Mario Vaz se résume à un militant du PAIGC, et l’exclure. Il est censé être au-dessus des partis.

Le 19 avril, les députés ont adopté un projet de loi visant à prolonger jusqu’en novembre la neuvième législature, qui devait prendre fin le 23 avril. Mais il semble que les élections, pr Selon nos informations, le Premier ministre a soumis une nouvelle proposition au président de la République, avec trois dates possibles : le 16 décembre, le 30 décembre ou le 27 janvier 2019. Au PAIGC, on estime que les législatives doivent avoir lieu cette année. Si nous devions dépasser la fin de 2018, nous mettrions en cause notre propre Constitution, qui dit qu’on renouvelle la législature tous les quatre ans. Donc en principe, si les dernières élections ont eu lieu en avril 2014, de nouvelles élections auraient dû se tenir en avril 2018. Ou, au plus tard, en novembre !

La date de clôture du recensement électoral a été repoussée au 20 novembre. Pourquoi ?

Les raisons techniques évoquées pour justifier ce report ne tiennent pas. La réalité, c’est que le président de la République ne veut pas de ces élections. Il entend coupler la présidentielle aux législatives, ce qui lui permettrait de repousser ces dernières en 2019. Bref, il cherche à gagner du temps. Sinon, comment expliquer que les agents recenseurs arrivés à Paris depuis une vingtaine de jours ne puissent accéder à leur matériel, bloqué à l’ambassade ?

Le scénario est le même à Lisbonne. Et c’est pire encore en Guinée-Bissau. On bloque les équipements et l’on prétend que le recensement n’avançant pas, les élections ne sauraient avoir lieu. Il s’agit d’une stratégie bien pensée pour mettre en échec le processus de recensement et l’ensemble du calendrier électoral.

Ces reports seraient donc planifiés, selon vous ?

Depuis qu’il a destitué le gouvernement en août 2015, le chef de l’État a une seule idée en tête : mettre en place un gouvernement d’initiative présidentielle, ce qui n’est pas prévu par notre Constitution. Grâce à la Cédéao, et après cinq gouvernements de transition, nous sommes tombés d’accord sur un gouvernement qui sera chargé de préparer les élections. Mais dans la mesure où le président de la République veut pouvoir compter sur un gouvernement qu’il contrôle, il essaie de mettre ce processus en échec. Sa stratégie consiste à créer une situation de blocage afin de réclamer tous les pouvoirs.

Si les législatives ne se tiennent pas en 2018, que fera le PAIGC ?

Je pense que le peuple bissau-guinéen ne le permettra pas. Malgré les retards et la nouvelle date de clôture du recensement, nous estimons que ces législatives doivent se tenir au plus tard en décembre. Si un consensus se dégageait pour le repousser jusqu’en janvier 2019, nous exigerions un accompagnement de la Cédéao. Tout argument visant à décaler cette date mettrait en cause la évues le 18 novembre, seront à nouveau repoussées. Tout argument visant à décaler cette date mettrait en cause la stabilité du pays. Dans cette hypothèse, nous tiendrions le président de la République et tous les partis qui gravitent autour de lui responsables de ce qui pourrait survenir en Guinée-Bissau.

Combien de députés espérez-vous obtenir au Parlement ?

Nous espérons recueillir au minimum l’équivalent de nos résultats de 2014, c’est-à-dire 57 députés, afin d’avoir la majorité absolue. Le PAIGC est bien placé pour prétendre à ce résultat.

Ne craignez-vous pas un nouveau blocage si le parti vous proposait comme premier ministre en cas de victoire ?

Le dernier congrès du PAIGC, en janvier 2018, a analysé la question et apporté des changements qui devraient faciliter les choses. Avant, il n’y avait pas d’alternative : en cas de victoire aux législatives, le chef du parti en tête était forcément candidat au poste de Premier ministre. Aujourd’hui, il est le premier candidat mais il peut proposer d’autres noms que le sien.

Que manque-t-il aujourd’hui à la Guinée-Bissau pour revenir à la normalité institutionnelle ?lles ?

Ce qui nous manque, c’est la culture démocratique. Il faut que les gens comprennent que la démocratie fixe une limite à l’exercice du pouvoir. Ce n’est pas parce que le peuple vous a élu une fois que vous devez rester indéfiniment en fonction.

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29 augustus 2018


van http://www.osac.gov

Guinea-Bissau 2018 Crime & Safety Report

Travel Health and Safety; Transportation Security; Crime; Other; Separatist violence; Elections; Riots/Civil Unrest; Natural Disasters; Oil & Energy; Financial Security; Disease Outbreak

5/21/2018
 
According to the current U.S. Department of State Travel Advisory at the date of this report’s publication, Guinea-Bissau has been assessed as a Level 3: Reconsider Travel country due to crime and civil unrest.
Overall Crime and Safety Situation U.S. Embassy Dakar does not assume responsibility for the professional ability or integrity of the persons or firms appearing in this report. The American Citizen Services (ACS) Unit cannot recommend a particular individual or location and assumes no responsibility for the quality of service provided. The U.S. Department of State has assessed Bissau as being a CRITICAL-threat location for crime directed at or affecting official U.S. government interests. Please review OSAC’s Guinea-Bissau-specific webpage for original OSAC reporting, consular messages, and contact information, some of which may be available only to private-sector representatives with an OSAC password. Crime Threats Expatriates and travelers are targeted for crimes of opportunity (petty theft, pickpocketing, theft from vehicles, minor assaults). Street criminals, aggressive vendors, and panhandlers frequently target foreigners in crowded areas and markets (particularly in Bandim Market near
the port in central Bissau)According to law enforcement officials, travelers should also be cautious of the Mindaro and Reino neighborhoods due to crime. The risk of being targeted by criminal actors greatly increases at night, due to Guinea-Bissau’s limited security infrastructure and lack of street and building lighting. Visitors are strongly discouraged from walking after dark, especially alone or in isolated areas. Even during daylight hours and in groups, travelers are advised to maintain a heightened level of security awareness, particularly in public places, tourist areas, and crowded locations.

Other Areas of Concern Travelers should exercise extreme caution in the northwestern region of Guinea-Bissau, which borders the Casamance region of Senegal, due to the potential presence of separatist militants and armed banditry. Particular caution should be taken when traveling along the roads between Mpack, São Domingos, and Varela. The Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance (MDFC) is the longest-running separatist militant group in sub-Saharan Africa and continues to wage a low-level insurgency against the Senegalese government. MFDC rebels have used Guinea-Bissau as a sanctuary. Considering the unpredictable behavior of MFDC forces, travelers should monitor the local security situation and only transit Guinea-Bissau’s northwestern region during daylight hours.


Transportation-Safety Situation: For more information, please review OSAC’s Report, “Security in Transit: Airplanes, Public Transport, and Overnights." Road Safety and Road Conditions Poor transportation infrastructure presents a significant danger to travelers on most roads throughout Guinea-Bissau. Road conditions are extremely poor, and drivers often engage in unsafe behaviors. Guinea-Bissau has improved the major transit route between Bissau and the Mpack border crossing to Senegal, but the majority of roadways are not regularly maintained. Traffic conditions inside Bissau present numerous challenges. Perpetual construction projects and changing traffic patterns on Avenida dos Combatentes da Liberdade da Patria in central Bissau have led to significant congestion. The erratic, continuous stop-and-go of small transport buses (toca-tocas) and taxis create unpredictable traffic patterns. Drivers are encouraged to exercise extra caution during the rainy season (June-October) due to flooded roadways and an increased number of potholes. U.S. government personnel are not permitted to drive or travel outside of Bissau at night. The lack of lighting and the poor physical condition of the roads make driving at night dangerous and inadvisable. Poor road conditions and lack of infrastructure impede the ability of law enforcement and emergency services to respond quickly to vehicular accidents and travelers in distress. Public Transportation Conditions Visitors are encouraged to prearrange transportation and drivers before traveling to Guinea-Bissau. Due to the unpredictability of the road conditions and lack of public infrastructure, using trusted contracted drivers are the most efficient method of travel. Several taxi services are also available in Bissau. However, passengers should exercise caution when selecting a taxi. Many taxis are in poor condition and do not meet Western safety standards. Passengers should always negotiate the fare before getting into a taxi. In addition, they should request that drivers only use the main roads in Bissau and avoid shortcuts. Travelers should insist on not sharing the taxi with others and exit the vehicle if the cab stops to pick up someone else. Taxis in Bissau serve as a bus service, in which each passenger pays for one seat. There have been instances of passengers being robbed by other riders, who may have been in cahoots with the taxi driver. The RSO recommends against visitors using the informal bus system (Bus Rapides or toca-tocas). These vehicles are in poor condition, and drivers often disregard the rules of the road.


Terrorism Threat: The U.S. Department of State has assessed Bissau as being a LOW-threat location for terrorism directed at or affecting official U.S. government interests. Local, Regional, and International Terrorism Threats/Concerns There is an on-going regional threat of transnational terrorism in West Africa that could spill over into Guinea-Bissau. The instability of Bissau-Guinean government, porous borders, and lack of law enforcement resources create a vacuum, which terrorists could seek to exploit as a place of refuge and to support regional logistical operations. The potential expansion of activities by Mali-based terrorist groups into Guinea-Bissau via Guinea is a particular concern,given that Guinea-Bissau’s eastern areas are poorly-policed.


Political, Economic, Religious, and Ethnic Violence: The U.S. Department of State has assessed Bissau as being a MEDIUM-threat location for political violence directed at or affecting official U.S. government interests. Guinea-Bissau is on its sixth government since August 2015; parliamentary elections, which will determine the country’s next prime minister, are scheduled to take place in 2018. Political tensions continue, and the government is largely not functioning. The National Assembly has yet to approve the government’s program of priorities. The military has publicly announced its intention to stay out of political affairs, and the country has made significant political progress, though there is a legacy of junta rule and military coup against elected leaders. Travelers should monitor the political situation closely, particularly around elections. Civil Unrest: The government recognizes freedom of assembly/association and authorizes public demonstrations. Demonstrations typically begin/end in front of the Presidential Palace in Praça dos Heróis Nacionais. While most demonstrations are non-violent, periods of heightened political tensions have prompted violent activity among demonstrators. It is recommended that visitors avoid all public demonstrations, as even peaceful gatherings could escalate to violence, in some cases by security forces.

Post-specific Concerns Environmental Hazards During the rainy season (June-October), heavy rains have caused severe flooding and loss of life. Critical Infrastructure The utility infrastructure is underdeveloped and poorly maintained. Electricity and water services are irregular in Bissau and largely unavailable throughout the interior of the country. The lack of infrastructure in Bissau contributes to a costly and unstable working environment. The primary source of electricity is provided by privately-owned diesel generators. Economic Concerns Counterfeit currency is widely distributed among illicit vendors in tourist areas (including the airport and Bandim Market). Visitors should avoid using black-market money-changers if possible. 

Drug-related Crimes: Guinea-Bissau has been identified as a transit point to Europe from South America for narcotics trafficking. The country’s lack of enforcement capabilities, resources, porous borders, susceptibility to corruption, and prime location in relation to Europe, South America, and West Africa provide an opportune environment for traffickers. It is believed that international drug cartels and other criminal organizations utilize the un-policed Bijagos Archipelago off the coast of Bissau and remote airstrips for drug/arms/human trafficking. Drug traffickers traditionally send bulk shipments of narcotics to Guinea-Bissau to be broken up into smaller units that are subsequently smuggled to North Africa and Europe. Traffickers use various methods of transportation to travel by sea, land, and/or air. International businesses and financiers have expressed concern that their companies or intermediate shipping companies can become compromised by drug traffickers aiming to take advantage of their legitimate businesses to access shipping resources.

Police Response: The international community is assisting Guinea-Bissau with restructuring its judicial and law enforcement systems, but corruption continues to exist at all levels of government. Police and emergency personnel are poorly trained and lack resources to respond to crime and emergency situations effectively. Even if the police do respond to an incident, they usually lack the training and experience to conduct a proper investigation. Persons violating Bissau-Guinean laws, even unknowingly, may be expelled, arrested, or temporarily detained. All foreign visitors should carry identification (such as a certified copy of passport and/or residence permit). As a rule, the police do not distinguish between original documents and photocopies. Foreigners are required by law to present the documentation to law enforcement officials if requested. 

How to Handle Incidents of Police Detention or Harassment: Guinea-Bissau has not signed the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, nor does the U.S. have an agreement with the government requiring notification of the U.S. Embassy of arrests of American citizens. If Americans are arrested or are victims of bribery or crime, they should use whatever means of communication available to alert the U.S. Embassy in Dakar or the Bissau Liaison Office of their situation. Crime Victim Assistance Americans who are the victim of a crime or emergency incident should contact the U.S. Embassy in Dakar, Senegal. 

The following Bissau-Guinean emergency numbers are in place    Police (Public Order Police): 117
    Fire: 118

Visitors should not expect these numbers to be in service or result in any assistance. Police/Security Agencies The Public Order Police (POP), part of the Ministry of Interior, has the primary responsibility for responding to emergency incidents and enforcing traffic laws. In December 2014, two groups of officers from the POP were arrested for involvement in an armed robbery of US$10,000 allegedly stolen from drug traffickers. The Judicial Police, within the Ministry of Justice, is responsible for major investigations (those related to terrorism, drug trafficking, etc.). These two entities have been at odds and have fought and killed opposing agency officers. Due to government instability and organized transnational criminal organizations, it is highly recommended that U.S. businesses conduct thorough due diligence checks on business partners and investments.


Medical Emergencies Hospitals do not meet Western standards. Travelers should expect little to no medical services, even in Bissau. Serious medical problems may be stabilized at private medical clinics or general hospitals while awaiting medical evacuation. The health care system lacks sufficient pharmaceuticals, medical supplies, and medical professionals. Travelers should carry a supply of any needed prescription medicines, along with copies of the prescriptions, including the generic name for the medicines, and a supply of preferred over-the-counter medications. For more information, please refer to OSAC’s Report, “Traveling with Medications.” Ambulance Services (Medical Emergencies) – dial 113 Contact Information for Available Medical Services. 


Clinica São Jose de Bor Tel: (245) 955-181-718 Surgical capability, urgency (though no emergency) room, ventilator capability, best medical facility in the country. Open to the public, cash on delivery. Clinica Madrugada Tel: (245) 966-912-342 Constructed in 2016, has surgical capability, inpatient and outpatient with an urgency room. Limited staffing, no ambulance service.

Available Air Ambulance Services: There are no private air ambulance services in Guinea-Bissau; however, they can be arranged through neighboring countries: S.O.S. Air Ambulance www.internationalsos.com London, England: + 44 (0)20 8762 8008 Geneva, Switzerland: + 41 22 785 6464 Pretoria, South Africa: + 27 (11) 541 1300 S.O.S. Medicines Dakar Dakar, Senegal: +221-33 889-1515 or sosmeddk@sentoo.sn M.R.I. Air Ambulance Gaborone, Botswana: +267 3901601 Insurance Guidance Medical evacuation insurance is highly recommended for travelers visiting Guinea-Bissau. Country-specific Vaccination and Health Guidance Malaria, cholera, hepatitis, and other tropical diseases are risks to travelers in Guinea-Bissau. The CDC offers additional information on vaccines and health guidance for Guinea-Bissau.

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2 augustus 2018


Op 27 en 28 juli bracht de Vrede - en  Veiligheidsraad (PSC) van de Afrikaanse Unie een werkbezoek aan het land. Zie hieronder een verslag daarvan:


via http://www.peaceau.org:


Bissau, 28 July 2018: In line with its mandate to promote and enhance peace and security in the continent, the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) undertook a field mission to the Republic of Guinea Bissau from 27 to 28 July 2018. The mission took place in the framework of the implementation of various decisions of the Council on the situation in Guinea Bissau, as well as within context of the implementation of the Conakry Agreement of the October 2016 and the 2016 Bissau Roadmap aimed at bringing the political crisis in Guinea Bissau to an end. The mission was also undertaken with a view to express support and solidarity to the preparation by the Guinea Bissau authorities of the upcoming legislative elections scheduled to take place on 18 November 2018.  The PSC Delegation strongly urged all political parties and all the other stakeholders to uphold their commitments to the on-going peace process by making necessary sacrifices, allow for full participation in resolving political differences, and to ensure that the planned elections scheduled for 18 November 2018 take place in a free, fair and credible manner, which will allow for the consolidation of Government institutions and create conducive conditions for reforms, including the necessary constitutional review for-the long term stabilization of the country.

The PSC delegation comprising fifteen Member States namely, Angola, Congo, Djibouti, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon,  Kenya, Liberia, Morocco, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Togo, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The Delegation was led by His Excellency, Sebade TOBA, Ambassador/Permanent Representative of the Republic of Togo to the African Union, who is the Chairperson of the PSC for the month of July 2018.

During the mission, the delegation paid a courtesy call to the President of the Republic, H.E Jose Mário Vaz and the President of the Supreme Court, Honourable Justice Paulo Sanha. The PSC held consultations with the President of the People’s National Assembly, the Minister of State of the Presidency of the Council of the Ministers accompanied by Minister of Interior, Minister of Ex-Combatant, President of National Electoral Commission, Deputy Chief of General Staff and other senior officials from the defence and security forces, as well as other Government institutions. The Delegation also held meetings with the group of the five international organizations supporting peace process in Guinea Bissau, namely, the AU, UN, ECOWAS, UN and the CPLP (P5), the leaders of the Political Parties with seats in the parliament namely, the PAIGC and PRS, as well as those with no seats in the parliament.

The delegation also met with the representatives of the civil society organizations, leaders of faith-based organizations, as well as the representatives of women and youth. During the meeting, the PSC Delegation supported the request of women and youth to be empowered to fully participate in the political activities in the country.

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In verband met bovenstaande via http://www.news24.com dit recente informatieve artikel over de - gewenste - ontwikkeling van de Afrikaanse Unie, van de hand van Theo Neethling, hoogleraar aan de University of the Freestate, Bloemfontuin, Zuid-Afrika: 

"Africa's ability to deliver peace and security rests on fixing key relationships"

The recent African Union (AU) summit was overshadowed by peace and security issues. In particular, the focus was on political instability and armed conflict in Libya, Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, Mali, Guinea-Bissau, South Sudan, Ethiopia and Eritrea and Somalia.

Conflict patterns on the continent, particularly when it comes to terrorism, have changed rapidly in recent years. This means that the AU has to respond to a highly complex and dynamic environment to achieve peace. And a rich variety of institutional partnerships, locally and globally, are needed to manage conflicts and bring about peace.

Several items discussed at the summit give an indication of the key unresolved issues.

Firstly, discussions on the AU’s 2019 budget showed that it depends largely on external donor funding. This matters because it keeps the AU reliant on ad hoc funding arrangements for peacekeeping operations. Secondly, there was no substantial progress on reforming its institutions, including the Peace and Security Council. Reform is vital if the AU is going to be more responsive to conflicts.

Thirdly, given the power dynamics in the organisation, there wasn’t any agreement on integration among key actors in Africa. This means that the much debated issue on the division of labour between the AU and five regional arrangements has not been resolved. The five include three regional communities: the Economic Community of West African States, the Economic Community of Central African States and the South African Development Community. And two other collaborations: the Eastern African Standby Force and the North African Regional Capability.

Where does this leave the AU in terms of next steps?

Recent research highlights several issues that should top the list of priorities. The first is that the AU needs to refine its strategic partnerships with other international actors. This includes its relationships with its five regional actors and the United Nations (UN).

The AU also needs to make the African Standby Force fully operational. This needs to be based on all the technical requirements, ranging from pledged military capabilities to sustainable peacekeeping operations. Related to this, is the need to agree on the relationship between the (envisaged) standby force and the interim body that was set up to manage crises.

Lastly, it needs to resolve the issue of funding for African peacekeeping operations

Strategic partnerships

An important aspect of African peace and security is the AU’s relationships with strategic partners. These include the UN, the continent’s regional actors and the EU.

These relationships have become of the utmost importance given that hybrid peacekeeping operations have become increasingly vital in Africa. The African Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) is a case in point. Several actors played key roles in the mission in recent years.

The AU acted as a primary security actor with several African countries providing troops – initially Uganda and Burundi, and later Ethiopia, Djibouti, Kenya and Sierra Leone. The UN, the EU, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development in east Africa, as well as several countries – especially the US, the UK, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates – played key roles in giving political support, and the required funding.

Being able to organise something as complex as this requires clarity about the roles and responsibilities of particular players.

That’s not always the case. Take the role of regional bodies and the AU’s relationship with the UN. The AU works on the principle that the regional actor(s) nearest to a particular conflict is best positioned to conduct a peacekeeping operation. The UN Security Council devolves power to the local level. The AU finds itself at the intersection of these interactions. 

The recent case of the African Support Mission in Mali clearly showed how divisions between the AU and the Economic Community of West African States prevented African actors from effectively mediating and managing the crisis. This case also highlighted the unresolved tensions and unclear divisions of political roles between the UN, the AU and the regional actors. This got in the way of the peacekeeping effort. The security situation continued to deteriorate and ended up in the (unwanted) French intervention in 2013

African Standby Force

Another example that highlights the need for better relationships is experiences around the African Standby Force. The standby force is a long-standing pan-African dream and is planned to be a continental peacekeeping force with military, police and civilian contingents under the direction of the AU.

In December 2017, four of the five regions where the African Standby Force is based were declared to have reached full operational capability. This is a major achievement and shows how far the AU has moved in its stride as Africa’s leading peacekeeping actor.

But challenges remain. A lack of progress in some of regions was behind the AU’s decision to establish a transitional arrangement. Called the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises, the idea is based on the principle that states across the continent should voluntarily contribute troops for peacekeeping. It’s seen as a short to medium term arrangement until the African Standby Force is fully developed in all the regions.

In the meantime, harmonising and aligning the two is hugely important and needs ongoing attention.

Funding peace operations

 

A more systematic and predictable financing model for peacekeeping operations authorised by the UN, but led by the AU, remains a critical concern. The AU decided in 2015 that African states should take responsibility for 25% of the AU peacekeeping budget. This was meant to be done gradually over five years.

But the USD$681 million budget approved for 2019 is still not enough for the AU to respond to highly complex and dynamic peace and security challenges on the continent.

Global

As African peacekeeping actors face rapidly changing conflict patterns, especially increasing acts of terrorism, they increasingly need a rich variety of global-local institutional linkages and hybrid partnerships. But they’re not all in place yet and many need further development and refinement.

And to be a truly meaningful and leading continental peacekeeping actor the AU also needs to develop the African Standby Force and to work on having more predictable funding for peacekeeping operations."

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26 juni 2018

Begin deze maand vond in Banjul een reguliere vergadering van de ministers van Gezondheid van de regio CEDEAO plaats, waar de gezondheidskwesties van de desbetreffende landen besproken werden n.a.v. het jaarverslag 2017 van de West African Health Organisation, waarvan enkele uitkomsten hieronder te lezen zijn. Met betrekking tot Guiné-Bissau valt op dat het een prevalentie van tuberculose heeft van 374 per 100.000 inwoners, dat is schrijnend hoog in vergelijking met de andere landen (bijvoorbeeld Togo met 46 per 100.000 inwoners). Ook met betrekking tot HIV/aids zit Guiné-Bissau aan de hoge kant: meer dan 2 % van de 15-49 jarigen (prevalentie in de regio gemiddeld 1,6 %).


van  http://www.allafrica.com:  


Africa: 'Maternal Deaths Higher Than All Diseases Combined in W/Africa'

By Kebba Jeffang

The annual report of the West African Health Organisation (WAHO) presented in Banjul has indicated that maternal death toll is higher than combining that of all other killer diseases in the region.

Mr Salifou Zouma, Director of Planning, Research and Health Information made this revelation in his presentation on June 5th that also ranked malaria and tuberculoses the deadliest in the region.

He disclosed that fourteen ECOWAS countries with the exception of Cape Verde, reported a total of 5,084 maternal deaths in health care settings.

"Although underestimated due to insufficient reporting, the number of maternal deaths is much higher than the total number of deaths caused by all epidemic-prone diseases in the region," he said.

Malaria

He said malaria remains one of the major public health problems in the region.

"The latest available estimates show that malaria incidence is among at-risk populations in the ECOWAS region and among the highest in the world," the finding shows.

Tuberculosis

As for tuberculosis, Zouma said it also remains a major public health problem in the region.

"The estimated prevalence of the disease varies from 46 per 100,000 inhabitants in Togo to 374 per 100,000 inhabitants in Guiné-Bissau in 2016, with ten (10) countries out of the 15 of the community having a level of incidence greater than 100 per 100, 000 inhabitants," he said.

HIV/AIDS

The report also shows that the number of people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHIV) was estimated at about 5,000,000. It indicated that the median HIV prevalence in the general population aged 15-49 years was 1.6% with variations across countries.

According to him as per the report: "Less than 1% in Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Niger and Senegal, between 1% and 2% in Benin, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, Mali and Sierra Leone and more than 2% in Côte d'Ivoire, Guinea - Bissau and Togo. Women accounted for 58% of adults and 50% of all PLWHIV."

He said non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are currently the leading causes of death in the world.

"In the ECOWAS region, it on average 29.5% of deaths that were due to non-communicable diseases in 2015, that is about 1.1 million deaths," he said.

In 2017, he said ECOWAS countries were grappled with recurring epidemics of cholera, meningitis, measles and Lassa fever. Outbreaks of emerging or re-emerging diseases such as Dengue were also recorded.

"Eight countries in the region (Benin, Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, Niger, Nigeria and Sierra Leone) reported 4,460 cases of cholera including 116 deaths, representing a lethality rate of 2.6%," he said.

Mr. Zouma added that, in 2017, all countries of the Community reported at least one case of meningitis, which is still one of the most rampant Epidemic-prone Diseases (MPE) in the region.

He stated: "Fourteen ECOWAS countries reported a total of 40,769 suspected or confirmed cases of measles, including 153 deaths. Nigeria, Guinea and Sierra Leone are the most affected countries, with nearly 80% of reported cases of the disease."

He indicated that a cumulative number of 6414 suspected cases of yellow fever, including 51 deaths was recorded in thirteen (13) countries with the exception of Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau.

Lassa fever epidemic

He said lassa fever epidemics persist in four countries of the community, namely; Liberia, Nigeria and Sierra Leone since 2010 and Benin since 2016. He said these countries recorded cumulatively 889 cases including 118 deaths, a case-fatality rate of 13.3% in 2017.

Neonatal tetanus

"With the exception of Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau, the thirteen other ECOWAS countries reported cases of neonatal tetanus which is a disease targeted for elimination. The number of cases and deaths related to the disease is on the rise, from 265 cases including 89 deaths in 2016 to 391 case with 104 deaths in 2017," he disclosed.

He said the three ECOWAS countries that were affected by the dengue epidemic in 2017 are Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire and Senegal.

Read the original article on Foroyaa.


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21 juni 2018


De NASA maakte vorige maand indrukwekkende beelden van de estuaria van ons mooie land, met onderstaand commentaar.  

van https://earthobservatory.nasa.gov):

Estuaries near the coast of Guinea–Bissau branch out like a network of roots from a plant. With their long tendrils, the rivers meander through the country’s lowland plains to join the Atlantic Ocean. On the way, they carry water, nutrients, but also sediments out from the land.

This natural–color image captures the movement of the sediments as the rivers move east to west. The image was acquired on May 17, 2018, by the Operational Land Imager (OLI) on Landsat 8. The discoloration is most apparent in Rio Geba, which runs past the country’s capital city of Bissau.

The map below shows a more detailed look at how colored dissolved organic matter (CDOM) discolors the water. Organic matter—such as leaves, roots, or bark—contain pigments and chemicals that can color the water when they dissolve. Depending on the amount of dissolved particles, the water in natural–color imagery can appear blue, green, yellow, or even brown as the CDOM concentration increases. In this data visualization, the amount of CDOM is represented in yellows, greens, and blues (with blue indicating clearer water). Note the difference in water clarity as the streams flow from inland towards the ocean.


These estuaries play an important role in agriculture. This small west African country is mostly made up of flat terrain that only stands 20 to 30 meters (65 to 98 feet) above sea level. The coastal valleys flood often, especially during the rainiest part of the year (summer), and can have damaging effects on infrastructure, agriculture, and public health. But at non–devastating levels, the rains make the valleys good locations for farming, especially rice cultivation.

Much of the agricultural land is created by destroying mangroves, which acts a natural barrier between the land and the water. For instance, a lot of rice production occurs along the Rio Geba, which is surrounded by broad valleys and a low, rolling plain carved out of woodlands. As a result, coastal areas have been eroding, which is expected to worsen with rising sea levels. A few projects are focused on restoring mangrove populations, and researchers have been seeing regrowth.

·    References and Further Reading

·    Andrieu, J. (2018) Land cover changes on the West–African coastline from the Saloum Delta (Senegal) to Rio Geba (Guinea–Bissau) between 1979 and 2015. European Journal of Remote Sensing, 51 (1), 314-325.

·    European Space Agency (2014, October 1). Guinea–Bissau and the Bissagos Islands. Accessed June 11, 2018.

·    NASA Earth Observatory (2016, October 25). Minnesota: Land of the Many–Colored Lakes. Accessed June 11, 2018.

·    United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNESCO (2012, January 30). Coastal erosion major threat to West Africa. Accessed June 11, 2018.


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4 juni 2018



Het Internationaal Monetair Fonds heeft afgelopen week een persbericht over Guiné-Bissau gepubliceerd, waaruit o.a. deze quote (zie m.n. de door mij in rood weergegeven tekst):

http://www.imf.org: 


Following the Executive Board’s discussion, Mr. Tao Zhang, Deputy Managing Director and Acting Chair, made the following statement:

“Robust economic growth in Guinea-Bissau, at around six percent for the past three years, has been supported by favorable terms of trade and improved economic management. The authorities’ program implementation has been strong, with a notable improvement in fiscal outcomes.

“The outlook is broadly positive, with the recent consensus-based agreement on a new government offering the prospect of greater political stability. At the same time and posing new challenges, the terms of trade gains that supported economic expansion for the past three years have partially reversed.

“Maintaining a strong reform drive will be crucial for continued improvements in outcomes. A further strengthening of tax and customs administration is essential for the domestic revenue mobilization needed to undertake priority infrastructure and social spending. Moreover, planning and execution frameworks will need to be enhanced for scaled-up spending to have the desired results.

“Continued progress toward improving conditions for private enterprise will also be important. Boosting private investment depends on effectively reducing regulatory uncertainty, combatting corruption and rent seeking, and enhancing transparency in public administration. Overcoming the longstanding problems in electricity provision is also essential and requires fundamental reform of the public power utility." 

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20 mei 2018


Afgelopen woensdag werd de situatie in Guiné-Bissau besproken in de Veiligheidsraad van de Verenigde Naties. Men sprak van "redenen tot optimisme", maar men meende ook dat de voorbereiding voor de parlementsverkiezingen in 2018 en de presidentsverkiezingen in 2019 "vol van onzekerheden" is. M.n. de financiering van de voorbereidingen is "een uitdaging": van de benodigde 7,1 miljoen dollar is er pas 1,8 miljoen beschikbaar.

De onlangs aangestelde vertegenwoordiger van Guiné-Bissau bij de VN, Fernando Delfim da Silva, verklaarde dat internationale financiele steun nodig is om de technische voorbereidingen veilig te stellen.

Het rapport dat de basis vormde voor de bespreking in de Veiligheidsraad is te lezen op 

http://securitycouncilreport.org:

AFRICA

Guinea-Bissau

Expected Council Action

In May, the Council is expecting a briefing on Guinea-Bissau. This will be an oral update from the Secretariat, which the Council requested in its 28 February resolution extending the mandate of the UN Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS) for a year.

Key Recent Developments

Rare progress has emerged towards resolving the two-and-a-half-year political crisis in Guinea-Bissau and starting preparations for legislative elections.

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) imposed targeted sanctions on 4 February on 19 individuals allied with President José Mario Vaz for obstructing implementation of the October 2016 Conakry Agreement on ending the political crisis. These included Vaz’s son, Fernando Vaz; members of the Party for Social Renewal (PRS), which is the main opposition party in the National Assembly; and the dissident members of parliament from the majority African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC).

Following the imposition of the sanctions, two mediation processes were undertaken. Discussions were held between the PAIGC and PRS, reportedly facilitated by Angola, to gain agreement on names for a new consensual prime minister. Similarly, the Catholic Archbishop of Bissau brought together the two parties to discuss holding a plenary session of the National Assembly, which has not met since January 2016, so as to appoint four new members of the National Electoral Commission (CNE), whose terms had expired, and to extend the mandate of the current legislature, which was expiring on 23 April, until legislative elections could be organised.

ECOWAS, aware of these mediation efforts and an apparent agreement among the PAIGC and PRS on a new prime minister, deployed a ministerial mission to Bissau on 11 April led by Togolese Foreign Minister Robert Dussey. Three days later, on 14 April, the mission reported on developments at an extraordinary summit of ECOWAS heads of states and government in Lomé, Togo. In addition to Vaz, the National Assembly president and representatives of the PAIGC and PRS were invited. At the summit, Vaz agreed to name Aristides Gomes as prime minister and to set 18 November as the date for legislative elections. An ECOWAS communiqué announced the agreement, which also endorsed extending the mandate of the ECOWAS Mission in Guinea-Bissau (ECOMIB) to 30 June 2018.

On 16 April, Vaz dismissed Prime Minister Artur Silva, whom he had appointed in January, and subsequently issued decrees appointing Gomes as the new prime minister and establishing 18 November as the date for legislative elections. On 19 April, the plenary of the National Assembly convened, taking decisions to appoint the CNE President and its executive and deputy secretaries and to extend the mandate of the current legislature.

Staying abreast of these developments, UN Secretary-General António Guterres issued a statement on 17 April to welcome the breakthroughs. Special Representative for Guinea-Bissau Modibo Touré briefed Council members in consultations under “any other business” via video teleconference on 19 April. Members issued press elements following the meeting, which expressed full support for ECOWAS’s sustained efforts and underscored the importance of swiftly forming an inclusive government and taking other steps for conducting timely and credible elections and implementing the Conakry agreement.

On 25 April, Vaz issued a decree announcing a new inclusive government comprised of 18 ministers and eight secretaries of state, who were sworn in the following day.

Key Issues and Options

While there have been recent positive developments, challenges remain in carrying forward the Conakry Agreement and organising the legislative elections that will require close attention amidst what is still likely to be a difficult political situation. An immediate need is updating the voter registration, which should be done annually but has not occurred since 2014.  This includes obtaining the funds required for the registration (estimated to cost $800,000 to $1 million) and for the overall organisation of the elections (an estimated $7.1 million). The Guinea-Bissau government is expected to contribute $4.5 million but may not have these resources available until after the cashew harvest. Other critical provisions of the Conakry Agreement on which progress is needed include adopting the government programme (akin to the government budget), agreeing to a stability pact, passing electoral law reforms, and conducting a constitutional review.

A further issue is progress in realigning the work of UNIOGBIS following the re-prioritisation and streamlining of its tasks during the mission’s February mandate renewal in resolution 2404. A UN technical assessment mission deployed to Guinea-Bissau in March to assist with this reorganisation.

The Council, as it has done, may seek to politically support further ECOWAS initiatives. Another option in addressing some of these issues is issuing a statement at the time of the Council meeting that encourages Bissau-Guinean stakeholders to continue to implement the Conakry Agreement’s provisions while encouraging donors to support outstanding funding needs for the legislative elections.

Council and Wider Dynamics

On Guinea-Bissau, the Council tends to follow the lead of ECOWAS, seeking to support its decisions or agreements. On the ground, representatives in Bissau from ECOWAS, the AU, the Community of Portuguese Language Countries, the UN and the EU—collectively referred to as the P5 in Guinea-Bissau—often act together to defuse tensions. Council members’ concerns over the course of the political crisis have included the possibility that a deterioration of the situation could lead to an increase in transnational crime, such as drug trafficking and piracy, or be exploited by terrorist groups in the region. Members also commonly express concern about the risk of Guinea-Bissau’s military interfering in the political situation, given the country’s history.

The mandate renewal of UNIOGBIS in February this year revealed some emerging differences. The US—frustrated by the lack of any progress at the time and in line with its position to seek the drawdown of long-standing UN operations—pushed for only a six-month renewal. Other members opposed this, in part to avoid creating uncertainty about the mission’s future amidst the need to support the upcoming elections. These differences, though, led to removing some of UNIOGBIS’s mandated tasks and pushing up the time-frame of a proposed Secretary-General’s assessment to consider a future UN presence, which will now be submitted to the Council in nine months as opposed to a year. Resolution 2404 also established a more frequent reporting cycle during 2018 in response to some members’ concerns about elections taking place in a politically fragile environment. The UN’s oral update in May is a result of this provision. During the negotiation, Russia sought more neutral language on how the Council referred to the ECOWAS sanctions, as it objects to sanctions not established by the Security Council, and does not view the political crisis as a threat to international peace and security that would warrant Council sanctions.

Côte d’Ivoire is the penholder on Guinea-Bissau. As a West African country, it requested the Council’s April briefing following the ECOWAS summit. Equatorial Guinea chairs the 2048 Guinea-Bissau Sanctions Committee, which was established in 2012 after the country’s last coup d’état.

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4 mei 2018


Deze maand zal de Amerikaanse organisatie African Palm Oil een begin maken met het commercialiseren van palmolie in Guiné-Bissau. 

Zoals uit onderstaand artikel blijkt, zijn de verwachtingen hoog gespannen, zowel voor de economische groei als voor het welzijn  van de bij de commercialisering betrokken gemeenschappen.


 

van:  http://www.africabusinesscommunities.com/ :

 

African Palm Corp., a US based organization with an interest in sustainable extraction, processing, and commercialization of products derived from African palm oil is set to launch operation in Guinea-Bissau in May 2018 where it has access to a total of 1.5 million hectares dedicated to African palm trees and plans to expand to seven million hectares across West Africa in the next five years.

The installation of African Palm Corp.'s operations means a considerable investment for numerous West African countries and creates a regional cluster that competes with Indonesian and Malaysian palm oil which currently dominates the industry.

The income generated from the operations of each African country will contribute to the annual growth of their Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

In the case of Guinea-Bissau, it is projected that the operation of African Palm Corp. will result in a 50 percent increase in its GDP, a reduction of 4.3 percent in its unemployment rate, 39,000 new direct and indirect jobs, and an increase in its public budget from a deficit of 2.4 percent to a surplus of 2 percent.

"We are pleased to enter the Palm Oil industry with a sustainable business model that will not only provide economic growth for our partners, but also generate high returns for our investors," said Oscar Faria, President and CEO of African Palm Corp. "Our palm oil will be certified by a series of principles equivalent to those of the Roundtable for Sustainable Palm Oil, which means consumers can enjoy a high-quality product that respects the local traditions and cultures of the farmers harvesting the fruit."

Globally, the demand for palm oil has increased drastically in the last 20 years, going from 15 million metric tons per year in 1995 to over 65 million in 2015. As the demand has made substantial growth around the world, buyers have also become more conscious to high quality products that support sustainable farming methods and the local communities that will be impacted by the new business.

African Palm Corp., with support from UK based insurance broker and Lloyds of London, has designed and implemented a solid business model that guarantees investors the viability and profitability of the business.

APC's A-Grade ranking from Lloyds ensures total annual profits, regardless of any political changes or climatic conditions that could affect the production and sales of the oil. 

This native West African plant grows naturally in the wild, as opposed to Indonesian and Malaysian palm trees, making the company's impact on the environment minimal. Prior to the start of its operations, African Palm Corp. signed working agreements with local ethnic groups to collaborate in harvesting the fruit from the African palm tree.

In addition to commercial transactions, 10 percent of African Palm Corp.'s annual net profit will be directly invested in social infrastructure projects such as schools, medical centers, and roads, reflecting the specific needs of each local community.

Additionally, all the technical infrastructure that African Palm Corp. develops as part of the company's logistical needs, such as electricity, access to potable water, roads, and docks, will be available and accessible to the local communities.

Lastly, most of the direct and indirect jobs created as a result of APC's operation will be assigned to local community members and leaders.

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5 maart 2018

Eind februari verscheen een rapport van de gerenommeerde Friedrich Ebert Stiftung  (http://www.fes.de ) dat reeds meer dan duizend publicaties over democratie en de bedreigingen daarvan wereldwijd  op haar naam heeft staan. In Why Peace Fails in Guinea Bissau probeert ze een antwoord te geven  op de vraag waarom het voortdurend niet lukt om in  Guiné-Bissau tot een vreedzame modus vivendi te komen. De analyse vertoont weliswaar wat kleine onvolkomenheden op het gebied van de historie, de demografie, de geografie en de biografie van een enkele hoofdrolspeler in het conflict, maar die brengen de grondigheid en de validiteit van de analyse niet in diskrediet. Het is een analyse waar we sinds lang op wachtten en die de vinger op de zere plekken legt. Onderstaand tref je de conclusie en de aanbevelingen uit het rapport aan, dat op de site van de FES (http://www.fes.de ) in pdf-format te downloaden is (klikken op het kopje "Publikationen" en dan naar februari 2018 gaan):

CONCLUSION

The current political crisis in Guinea Bissau is a manifestation of elite’s conversations on the socio-economic and political transformation of their country from a single-party socialist state to a liberal democratic state with a marketoriented economy. These conversations have been both violent and peaceful. The separation of state and market typical in western democracies has not yet occurred. The Bissau Guinean state is still a player in the economy. With a private sector that is undeveloped, the state dominates. Consequently, the transformation has created room for some elites that are both politicians and businessmen. Both President Vaz and Mr. Pereira are businessmen, for instance. Competition for access to resources has been translated into the struggle for the control of the state. Ethno-religious sentiment, which Amilcar Cabral and his comrades tried to transformed through the national-unity-in-ethnicdiversity-model, is increasingly being used as a political bargaining tool. In their contest for political control, the elites have exploited the lacuna in the country’s semi-presidential system to make the state dysfunctional. The constitutional provisions regarding the distribution of powers among the organs of sovereignty is problematic in practice. As factions take control of one of the organs of sovereignty, they use their position to create stalemate in governance. This is what explains the current political impasse created by the two factions within the PAIGC, each led by the President José Mário Vaz as President and his party leader and former prime minister, Domingos Simões Pereira. The ECOWAS-brokered Conakry Accord was intended to serve as a mechanism for resolving the disagreements over the appointment of the prime minister and the cabinet. It was also aimed to advance the national conversations over constitutional and political reform and set the country on the path of development. Although, the international community still finds the Accord as an important framework for ending the political impasse, patience for the slow pace of the elites’ negotiations and compromises is running out. ECOWAS is putting pressure on the elites to end the crisis by threatening to withdraw ECOMIB, which provides both protection and security to the political elites and the state institutions. The withdrawal of ECOMIB, which was slated to begin by the end of September 2017, could plunge the country into an uncertain condition. There is a risk of reversal of gains made in the recovery of the economy, reform of the defence and security sector and democratisation.

RECOMMENDATIONS

In terms of focus for the future, therefore, this study recommends the following:

short term

•      Delay in     the  withdrawal of    ECOMIB:    As    the main force for the security and stability of the country, ECOWAS should consider delaying the withdrawal of ECOMIB. This is to support the on-going dialogue among the elites which was instituted by the Conakry Accord. Since, the military have been kept out of the current political crisis, thanks to the presence of ECOMIB and other international efforts relating to the DSSR, it is imperative to maintain the political space for the conversation of the elites to continue. As the 2018 legislative elections, the political crisis may be heightened by the desire of each faction to survive the political struggle. 

•      The  P5    group       may consider   taking       a      more       proactive mediation role in ending the current impasse. If the elites are unable to resolve the disagreements on their own, the international community could arbitrate in the crisis and bring a technocrat, a civil society leader, or an independent prominent figure to lead an inclusive government as provided in the Conakry Accord. As it stands, the elites cannot be left to deal with the situation own their own, because each faction is digging and determined not to blink first.

•      The  international     community,       led   by    the  P5       group, should focus on the forthcoming 2018 legislative elections and support the electoral process in the hope that this could give the population the opportunity to change the current balance in the parliament, thereby arbitrating on who to entrust their affairs. The tenure of the current management of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) has expired, and its reconstitution is normally done in the plenary of the People’s National Assembly. Therefore, the current political impasse could affect the forthcoming elections, if it is not resolved.

•      Sanction   regimes    on    individuals or    organisations committing acts that undermine the peace, security, stability and development of the country and other countries should be sustained. The hot pursuit of drug dealers by the international community led by the US is a good example of how global actions could mitigate global problems. ECOWAS could also apply its threats of sanction to individuals or groups that destabilise the on-going national political conversations and dialogue.

•      Support    civil society      engagement      with the political situation, the women, youth, traditional and religious leaders, as well as the labour and trade unions. The civil society should be encouraged to pursue and promote the interests of the people and not identify with self-interests of the political elites.

•      Sanction   regimes    on    individuals or    organisations committing acts that undermine the peace, security, stability and development of the country and other countries should be sustained. The hot pursuit of drug dealers by the international community led by the US is a good example of how global actions could mitigate global problems. ECOWAS could also apply its threats of sanction to individuals or groups that destabilise the on-going national political conversations and dialogue.

•      Support    civil society      engagement      with the political situation, the women, youth, traditional and religious leaders, as well as the labour and trade unions. The civil society should be encouraged to pursue and promote the interests of the people and not identify with self-interests of the political elites.

•      The  different  DSSR programmes      pursued    by partners should be a subject of coordination, monitoring and evaluation by the P5 group. The issue of Gratuity should be incorporated into the pension scheme, and funds could be mobilised to pay off the gratuity. Other aspects of the DSSR, such as police and justice reform should also be given more attention.

•      The  economic  and  financial   reforms    of    the       country supported by international financial and development institutions should continue. The 2015-2020 Terra Ranka development strategy should be salvaged and implemented, as much as possible.


Medium Term

•      As    envisaged in     the  Conakry    Accords,   the       constitutional reform process should be pursued as part of national dialogue and specifically targeted to address the issue of separation of powers between the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary.

•      Political    reform      processes  should      be    initiated to discourage political office holders from holding or promoting private business.

•      The  political    reform      should      also  include       regulating political political party financing, the role of media and security forces during elections to ensure equitable or fair allocation air time, and security coverage for different stakeholders.

•      The  reform      process     should      provide     space       for traditional and religious leaders, women and youth, to promote national voice, rather than divisive campaigns in the country’s political processes.

•      National   legislations and  agencies   should      be set up or strengthened to establish economic and financial laws and regulations in the affairs of the country in order to address the issue of corruption, economic and financial misconducts by investors and national officials."


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                                                 GUINÉ-BISSAU

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